"We boast about the way you continue to endure and believe through all the persecutions and sufferings you are experiencing." (2 Thessalonians 1:4)

Throughout the whole time that the debates raged in the SACC and its member Churches and the struggle in the country intensified, the Council searched for a new General Secretary to take over from Dr Beyers Naude when his "two or three years" was completed.

In July 1987, the Rev Frank Chikane was appointed.

At 36, Frank Chikane was the youngest ever General Secretary. Previous to joining the SACC he was Secretary to the Institute of Contextual Theology and had been Vice-President of the United Democratic Front (UDF) Transvaal Region. It was for his latter role that he was arrested with other leaders of the UDF in 1985 and charged with treason. This was not his first taste of jail, having been detained, and tortured, on a number of occasions previously. One of which in 1980 was to simply ensure that he and his colleagues did not interrupt the granting of the freedom of the western Transvaal town of Krugersdorp to State President P W Botha!

The 1985 detention ended when the charge of treason was hastily withdrawn when the defence attorney exposed the lack of legal evidence to provide any reason for a trial. From the middle of 1986, when the charges had been dropped, until shortly before he became General Secretary of the SACC he lived, as did many anti-apartheid activists, in hiding, moving from one place to another, addressing meetings, speaking to groups, without any prior announcement of his attendance.

A minister of the pentecostal Apostolic Faith Mission Church (AFM), well known for its conservative political stance and keeping a long distance between itself and the SACC, he expressed his concern about the political plight of the black people and was rewarded with suspension from the ordained ministry by the white dominated Executive Committee of the AFM in 1981. It was a suspension that created a rare moment of protest from his Kagiso township congregation. They said it was "unbiblical", and was intended to "suppress the voice of the voiceless and perpetuate white dominance in the Church and the country."

It was to be nine years before, in 1990, the AFM offered "its formal apology for the inconvenience that the prolonged suspension caused" Rev Chikane. His response was to say that he was "overjoyed" by the reinstatement. "I love my Church and I am pleased to be given an opportunity again to carry out my ministry as part of the AFM ordained ministers." There is an ironic touch to the story of the suspension in that during this year, 1993, the Rev Chikane was elected the first President of the united portion of the AFM Church comprising all the black former separated mission Churches of the AFM. He will be the one to lead that united group as they face the white Church in a call for one fully united AFM Church.

The Rev Chikane started at the SACC on July 4th 1987. On July 7th there was another police raid on the SACC. It was not unexpected. He who was used to police harassment was now to occupy the "hot seat" at the centre of the Churches struggle against apartheid.

In speaking about the raid to the National Executive later, Rev Chikane said "It was a strange coincidence indeed which left many staff members wondering whether they had not come to 'welcome' me to my new job!"

Detained, Charged

Khotso House had suffered official and unofficial surveillance and raids throughout the years. It had to find a balance between security and being an open building in which the many who flocked to its doors would feel welcome. Members of staff when detained or charged would find photographs, obviously taken from premises opposite the main entrance, used as evidence along with complete transcripts of conversations that had taken place in offices or corridors of the building. The incursions into Khotso House were not always official. Dan Vaughan remembers being called at four in the morning by the caretaker because someone had broken into the building and put paraffin on the chairs in the hall. "Somehow," says Mr Vaughan, "they didn't burn it down." Later, in April 1988, a man managed to enter the building and hold a member of staff, Beverly Fasser, hostage for some time. On this occasion it was a policeman who assisted the Council in talking the man out of the situation.

There had been a number of raids on Khotso House previous to the appointment of the Rev Chikane. Most of the security police raids were made by small groups, but on some occasions it was by large groups and heavily armed defence force personnel support. "The siege of Khotso House" was the title given by ECUNEWS to the first event of this nature when a police cordon was thrown around the building during a May Day Rally of trade unionists.

This was followed only two months later by an early morning defence force cordon which stopped staff members of all Khotso House organisations from entering the building until identified and "invited to enter" by the security police in charge. Dr Beyers Naude remembers the day well. "I was so angry," he says, "that I had to sit there in my office and pray to God not to lose my composure and my inner spiritual discipline in talking to these people. How can God expect me to forgive them for what they are doing to our people and to the Church? And you know, then it came through to me when Christ died on the cross he said, 'Father, forgive them because they do not know what they are doing.' I have always found that a very difficult word to understand. I knew then that in the deepest sense these people did not know what they were doing, not only to the Church but to themselves. And that was the moment I could go out and I could speak to them."

Dr Naude goes on to mention the prayers of that day with the security police around. It was a never to be forgotten moment in the life of that community. The police would not allow anyone into the building itself so they stood, one large group of approximately two hundred people, in the road, sang a hymn and prayed. There in the middle of the city with heavily armed police and defence force looking on, many nervously not knowing whether to join in or not, the strains of the Lords Prayer in Xhosa was lifted up to the heavens. And then as people were called one by one to enter the building the soft cries of "peace", "power", "strength" would surround them.

It was discovered later in the day that a State of Emergency had been declared that morning. It was to hold for seven and a half months and was then followed in June 1986 by another that continued until mid 1990. They did not deter the movements against apartheid. Despite the enormous number of detentions going into the thousands, despite the number of children taken into custody, despite the harsh measures of the police and the high priority given by the Government to State security, campaigns grew in number and protests and meetings took place as if there were no laws against them. The "Free the Children" and " Free Mandela" campaigns drew local and international support culminating for the latter in a huge international music concert in London where world stars, as well as a huge audience of millions through television, expressed support for the release of the man who was by then the most renowned prisoner in the world.

These States of Emergency, the police raids, many detentions, and then the banning in February 1988 of 17 organisations, severe restrictions on the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and bannings of 18 community leaders, took place during what the SABC termed as a time when "only the wilfully blind would deny that peaceful reform is taking place at an unprecedented rate."

The bannings of February 1988 was move number one in what was to be a very busy year for the Council and one that proved to be another step forward in being the people of God.

A Church leaders emergency meeting was held on February 25th. The question for this meeting was not whether or not the Churches should act to end apartheid. The question was, what type of action?

Justice, Peace

A statement was issued including comments that the authorities were "deliberately obstructing peace in our country and encouraging violence among our people." It was a long statement addressed to three different communities within South Africa. Firstly to the oppressed people of South Africa it said that this was not a time to lose hope but to "intensify the struggle for justice and peace in accordance with the Gospel." Then to the white voters it urged them to see that any support for the separated "white politics" was "becoming untenable." Finally, to the international community, the statement called for the isolation of the apartheid Government and pressure "to force it off the awful path it has chosen."

A resolution had been prepared for the meeting to suggest a delegation to meet the State President or the Minister of Law and Order. Experience of previous meetings that had caused only greater frustration led the Church leaders to turn that idea down and opt for a public display of witness.

Calls were made from the meeting for all the Churches to arrange special services of witness and protest, and a major decision reached to march on Parliament in Cape Town to present a petition along the same lines as the statement, as well as to witness and to pray at the place where so many decisions affecting the lives of all South Africans were taken.

Writing about the event later the Rev Frank Chikane said, "It is now history that at least 25 Church Leaders, accompanied by more than a hundred clergy, congregated at St George's Anglican Cathedral in Cape Town on Monday 29th February 1988. They held a short moving service, read the contents of the petition to the congregation, gave instructions about the principles of non-violent action and highlighted the possible consequences of the action. When all had full understanding of the actions ... they prayed and started the march to Parliament.

Forcefully Removed

"They only marched along the wall of St George's Cathedral and before they reached the end of the wall the police intervened, (When confronted by the police the leaders and clerics knelt and prayed) arrested them and forcefully removed them to the police station."

After using a water canon on the rest of the crowd, the police began arresting any who still remained in the street, including journalists and television crews. The Church leaders were released after being identified and warned that there would be charges made against them. They returned to the Cathedral, prayed together, evaluated the day, held a press conference, and committed themselves once more to "effective non-violent action in solidarity with our people to share in their pain and suffering." The pending charges were later withdrawn.

The march resulted in a tremendous show of support by phone, post and telex, from the world Church. It also resulted in the Minister of Law and Order, Mr Adriaan Vlok, saying in Parliament that the clerics chose "violence and communism above Christianity." There was also some correspondence between the State President and the recently installed Archbishop of Cape Town, Desmond Tutu, and also between the State President and the Rev Frank Chikane of the SACC. The State President's written comments, such as that the Church leaders love and praise "landmines, bombs and necklaces", were given prominence through the SABC but little mention made of the letters from the two Church leaders, which repeated over and over again the choice by the Churches of non-violent action on behalf of the oppressed.

When the State President asked, in a publicised letter to the General Secretary of the SACC, for any "single instance from the Word of God in which it appears that Christ advocated violence against the State; led a demonstration against the State; or broke a law of the State", Churches throughout the country heard sermons about throwing the money collectors out of the Temple, the entry into Jerusalem, and the accusation, that led to the crucifixion, that Jesus "is starting a riot among the people with his teaching all through Judea." (Luke 23:5)

The usual cries about the separation of "spiritual" and "secular" and the need for the Churches to keep out of politics were mentioned in Parliament and in the media. They were not mentioned later, however, when a Christian Forum, claiming as usual to have many millions of followers, was formed to oppose sanctions and Church leaders like Archbishop Tutu.

In his address to the National Conference of 1988, General Secretary Frank Chikane was to suggest that the events of February had moved the Council and its member Churches " from merely lamenting about apartheid and the crisis in this country to active prophetic witness against this sin and death." He went on to say that the "Churches are committed to effective non-violent action" and that "we need to restate that our obedience is to God, and to God alone."

February 1988 held another kind of event for the Council with the retirement of Dr Wolfram Kistner who had headed the Division of Justice and Reconciliation for many years. He provided a deeply theological and intellectual motivation to the Council through his often acclaimed writings and presentations to Conferences and Committees. He had continued the tradition of constantly placing the Council's activities under the scrutiny of theological research in a thorough and precise manner.

In May 1988 there was a "Convocation of Churches in South Africa" to help develop "non-violent actions in the face of the deepening crisis in the country." There were representatives of the World Church, other South African religions, and eight non member Churches of the SACC as well as the usual regional representatives and those from member and observer member Churches.

The major result of this gathering was the decision to start a campaign called "Standing for the Truth." Although Standing for the Truth did not muster the great local parish and Church involvement that was originally hoped for, it did bring together many Christians and people of other religions in acts of public witness to the truth of righteousness as against the lie of apartheid. Along with the Mass Democratic Movement and the Defiance Campaign that were emerging at the same time, it became one of the last straws to break the back of the intransigent authorities.

The intensity of the total defiance campaign was felt throughout the land. The Government could not rule, because the people would not be ruled. Nothing could stop the stand made by thousands in marches, demonstrations, and protests through 1988 and 1989. This defiant stand against the Government, forcing it to retreat from many previously held positions that had been said to be non negotiable, played a prominent part in eventually bringing the Government to the negotiating table in 1990. Group areas crumbled as black people moved into city centres and suburbs; hospitals became open to all races through demonstrations and demands for treatment; and marches were given official approval in the latter part of 1989, possibly because it was known they would take place anyway.

Bombed

The Council was well on track as one of the leaders in the organisation of this last assault against the illegitimate, as it was by now declared, apartheid Government. As if in recognition by its enemies of the place it held in that struggle, Khotso House was bombed on the last day of August 1988.

The bomb went off in the basement garage of Khotso House not long after midnight on the morning of August 31st. It ripped through the building using the lift shafts as a conduit of destruction on every floor and going as far as blowing off part of the roof of the top, 6th floor, offices. Windows of surrounding buildings were shattered as well as nearly every window of Khotso House itself. Rubble and broken office furniture, scattered files and broken equipment lay everywhere.

Perhaps one day the truth will be known about the planting and timing of the bomb. The "Wit Wolve" (White Wolves) were said to have claimed responsibility, a claim that had the Rev Peter Storey saying later that he knew it must have been the "act of animals." The police suggested, but did not provide proof to support the claim, that it could have been an explosive device hidden in the building that had gone off accidentally. It was much more likely to have been carefully planted. It made the most of the structure of the building to ensure the greatest destruction. Khotso House had previously been the headquarters of the South African Automobile Association. At the time of building, six floors were erected with a staircase going up to a non existent floor in the hope that another six floors could one day be added. The foundations, therefore, were laid for a twelve storey office block. If this strong foundation had not been in place the bomb would have completely destroyed the building instead of causing much destruction but still leaving a shell from which much furniture and most papers were still able to be salvaged.

Staff were not allowed in by the police for a period of one week. Then few at a time and according to floors, groups went a tortuous route through a first storey window and a back fire escape to the different offices where they began the task of sorting through the rubble to retrieve as much as possible and move it to temporary offices scattered throughout the city. In the meantime new graffiti had appeared on the walls. One claimed that God was a "white man" who would see that the "white man ruled for ever." Another added to a "Free the Children" poster the words, "only after we have cured the b....."

It took weeks to move all articles away from the building. Under the well organised planning of the Rev Francois Bill, Administrative Secretary of the SACC, slowly but surely more and more items were taken away, the building surrounded by solid scaffolding, and builders brought in to make everything as safe as possible.

Filled with Sadness

The Central Methodist Church, of which Bishop Peter Storey was then minister, opened its doors to Khotso House staff for meeting and praying each day before going off to the now separated offices. The prayers were of immense importance. Filled with sadness, for offices as many discovered were not simply a place where "things" were stored and work done but symbols of the life and the aspirations of their occupants, the prayers were also a time of condolence, consolidation and confirmation of one another in the Khotso House community.

When later Mrs Helen Joseph, stalwart of the struggle against apartheid, heard that the majority of the tenants wanted eventually to move together to new premises, she was heard to say, "you must be mad to want to die together again!" The relevance of the "together" can not be over exaggerated. In blowing the building apart, the perpetrators had cemented the fellowship and solidarity of the community they intended to destroy. Prayers were lifted high for one another, for the country, and for an end to apartheid and its dreadful consequences for all. The prayers culminated in a "Service of Thanksgiving" at the Central Methodist Church where one Church or community leader after another spoke to the Council and other Khotso House tenants of their support for the continued witness that could not be destroyed by any bomb, enforced restrictions, or designs of the enemies of the people of God.

That service was well into October. On September 9th, soon after the scaffolding was erected and entry to the building allowed for a few at a time, former General Secretary Archbishop Tutu visited the scene. As he went around the devastated offices with Administrative Secretary, Francois Bill, and General Secretary, Frank Chikane, he commented over and over again on "this terrible and obviously well planned deed." He then went out onto the street where hundreds of staff members and the general public gathered to hear him pray for "those who perpetrated this dastardly deed" and join them all in singing N'kosi Sikelele.

One moment of pure humour came when during the tour of the building he went into the General Secretary's office, looked at the broken walls, ruined furniture and scattered files, turned to Frank Chikane and said, "What have you been doing, this place was fine when I left it!" Humour was never far from the scene of apartheid's opponents. You would find it in the places of detention, in the camps of those in exile, in the formal and informal meetings that followed police raids, even in the groups where death had occurred not long before. " Faith, hope, and humour" were the words used recently at the funeral of one of apartheid's opponents, summing up so much of what was at the core of the struggle.

The final word about the bomb was spoken by Archbishop Tutu in a press conference following the tour and street service. The huge tapestry of peace in the entrance hall with a central figure of Christ had withstood the blast and hung above the devastation of a collapsed floor, broken furniture and pitted walls. Archbishop Tutu pointed to that scene as a symbol not only of the presence of Christ but of his essential and inevitable victory.

The bomb was not the last major attack on the Council. An even more sinister event took place in April and May 1989 when the General Secretary suffered strange attacks of sickness. It first appeared during a visit to Namibia. The Rev Chikane was flown back to Johannesburg, spent four days in a clinic and was discharged with no idea of what had caused the nausea. After a period of almost three weeks during which he felt well again, he left on a trip to USA where he would be joining other Church leaders at a special service in Washington DC followed by meetings with President Bush and members of the Congress. He went first to visit his wife Kagiso, who was studying in Madison, Wisconsin, and once again became ill. This time he spent a week in hospital before being discharged with no apparent reasons for the sickness. Within thirty six hours he was back again, the cycle was repeated and then repeated again. Within six weeks Frank Chikane was admitted to hospital four times.

Close to Death

The symptoms of the sickness varied in degree each time but all contained a basic feeling of nausea and weakness with respiratory problems that, according to a USA doctor, brought Frank Chikane "close to death." And there were two more common elements. One was that within days of being hospitalised recovery was rapid. The second was that on each occasion he was using clothing taken from his luggage. Every time he wore clothes taken from the luggage he became sick. Diagnosis and further research showed that the luggage was contaminated with poison, such as that used in pest control or chemical warfare.

Recovering from the effects of the poisoning, and now dressed in new American style clothes and with a different set of cases, the Rev Frank Chikane said at a press conference, "You begin to understand the magnitude of the evil we are dealing with. And it puts you back into the world in terms of calling and mission." Once again an attack had created even greater determination, under God, to withstand the attempts to curtail the witness of the South African Church. Again the emphasis was removed from the frailty of the vulnerable servants of God to "the essential and inevitable victory" that belongs to Christ.

Meanwhile much was changing on the South African and international political fronts. The communist empire surrounding the Soviet Republic collapsed, the Berlin Wall came down, and the principal world agenda of East versus West disappeared almost overnight. In South Africa small change after small change was forced upon the Government as a population determined to be free challenged it at every turn. The state of emergency remained (up until June 1990) but it had little effect upon the demonstrations, civil disobedience, and mass actions of the people.

State President P W Botha suffered a mild stroke in January 1989. His attempts after that to cling to power were defeated by a delegation of cabinet ministers who eventually forced him to resign after a stormy day of confrontation in August of that same year. They placed Mr F W de Klerk, former leader of the National party in the Transvaal and by then national leader of the National party, in his place.

Towards the end of 1989 a service was held in the Johannesburg Cathedral followed by a protest march through the city. During the service the Rev Frank Chikane made a slip in referring to the State President as P W de Klerk. The huge crowd laughed, for to them one State President was like another. The system was in its dying throws and early in 1990, February 2nd, at the opening of the Parliamentary Session, State President F W de Klerk announced the unbanning of the ANC and the immenent release of Nelson Mandela.

Young people danced in the street. "Viva Comrade Mandela!" they cried and "Viva Comrade de Klerk!" After years of oppression the authorities had capitulated and we were ready to enter the promised land.